Fighting Nationalism: Language Learning and Education

The need for Intercultural Education reform for more cohesive societies.

The following is an essay I wrote this year on the importance of intercultural education to quell the rise of Nationalism. We live in multicultural and multilingual societies, and although there are many from within who seek to divide us, I believe that if we improve our linguistic capacities as a nation, we would not only forge better domestic relations, but also our international relations could improve too. Language learning is so much more than simply learning how to communicate in a foreign language, but rather its an act of becoming - and in this context, an act of becoming true, globalised citizens.

Introduction

Observing the 21^st century world, it is difficult to imagine the planet without the national borders known today. Yet, for much of the non-European world, national borders were never as defined as those found and needed in Europe; although many empires left their boundary marks. The emergence of nation-states has had a profound impact on ethnic identities, often creating an ‘us vs them’ mentality towards those from lands beyond the borders. Throughout history, the bad and questionable agents in societies have often used language to persuade, create fear and push hate from within a community towards another, usually resulting in some of humanity’s darkest hours of morality and ethics. One example is of course Nazi Germany (lead by Adolf Hitler), which oversaw The Holocaust, a period that systematically killed millions of innocents, of whom many were ethnic minorities. Eighty years later and “riding waves of fear and anger emanating from Russia’s war in Ukraine, the cost-of-living crisis and the coronavirus pandemic” are helping Nationalist and Populist political leaders gain power across Europe (Gosling, 2023). Europe once again finds itself at a crossroads in history, but this time only as a shadow of its former self in terms of influence and power. As the world moves towards a multipolar world order, Europe must fight for its place at the world stage, rather than dictating world hegemony. The events of the 20^th century shaped the world into what we know today through practices like Imperialism, world and regional war, advancement of technology, freedom and decolonisation movements. The European Union is a product of such events, namely the desire for Europeans to do business with one another as opposed to warring, which we have done since the dawn of time. It has worked rather well, and Western, Democratic Europe has profited from 80 years of relative peace and prosperity; even though this period also coincided with global decolonisation movements, which were in response to centuries of bloody European dominance in Africa and Asia. Therefore, it is necessary that many European nations revisit their imperial histories to improve international relationships, both within Europe and in the wider world. Through the field of linguistics, we can better understand the societies we in live in, illuminating the embedded mechanics of our different ways of being in the world, teaching us that language and culture are intertwined. This essay will explore the relationship between nationalism and intercultural communication, later advocating for better language awareness, as well as the learning of foreign languages, which can act as a tool for improving intercultural communication between different ethno-linguistic communities, subsequently improving citizens’ intercultural abilities in a world defined by culture and language.

Examples of Rising Nationalism in Europe

Before we attempt to understand the relationship between Nationalism and Intercultural Communication, we must acknowledge where Europe stands as of right now. Ever since the formation of the EU, there has always been a degree scepticism in most member states towards the project, which is understandable considering these fractious nation-states have a long history of warring with one another. However, in recent years we have seen a dramatic rise in anti-EU sentiment – mostly from Conservative and Far-Right political parties (in other words, people who profit from the idea of nationalism). This nationalist resurgence is evident in recent electoral successes across the continent. Sweden witnessed the Sweden Democrats, a party with neo-Nazi roots, become the second-largest parliamentary force in 2022, winning over 20% of the vote through anti-immigration rhetoric (Milne, 2022). Although recently barred from running again, Marine Le Pen's National Rally in France reached huge support in the 2022 presidential election, securing 41.5% in the run-off against Macron (Kirby, 2022). Italy's Brothers of Italy brought Giorgia Meloni to power with a nationalist coalition built around traditional "God, homeland, and family" values (Kirby, 2022). Perhaps most alarming is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) becoming the dominant political force in several eastern German states throughout 2023-2024, despite being watched by German intelligence services for extremist tendencies (Pfeifer, 2023).

These developments reveal a fundamental misunderstanding of how societies function. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán's ‘illiberal democracy’ model in Hungary promotes ethnic homogeneity in a region historically defined by its multiethnic character and cultural exchanges (Traub, 2015). Poland's Law and Justice party attempted to legislate historical narratives, criminalizing discussion of Polish complicity in Holocaust events – contradicting the complex historical realities of occupation and collaboration (Mazzini, 2018). Perhaps most strikingly, Brexit campaigners promised economic prosperity through isolation while entirely disregarding the intricate interdependencies that characterize modern economies, resulting in significant trade disruptions and labour shortages. Brexit campaigners often refer to the shared collective memory of times past, ignorantly claiming Britain still has the same power and influence as it did during imperial times; a sentiment which is evidently not the case for the world that was once under such rule. Such movements reflect deep public dissatisfaction with globalisation despite its tangible benefits. Similarly paradoxical is the strong support for nationalist parties in regions receiving substantial EU cohesion funds in Poland and Hungary – the very regions most materially advantaged by European integration reject it most strongly (Bachtler and Mendez, 2020). This contradiction suggests that material benefits alone cannot counteract the emotional appeal of nationalist narratives, particularly when these narratives exploit concerns about cultural identity and economic security.

These nationalist political movements reveal deep flaws in intercultural communication, particularly obvious in discourse analysis of media coverage during the Syrian Refugee Crisis and the Brexit campaign. The language deployed in tabloid newspapers demonstrates what Scollon terms 'ideological discourse systems' that construct and reinforce in-group/out-group dynamics (Scollon, 2012). These communicative practices serve to enact what Piller (and Billig) identifies as 'banal nationalism' through seemingly neutral reporting that positions refugees as cultural 'others'. Critical discourse analysis of British tabloids reveals systematic linguistic othering strategies; terms like 'floods' and 'swarms', lexical choices emphasizing cultural distance, and a framing that positions migrant outside the 'imagined community' of the nation. The emergence of Far-Right political power correlates with this flawed public discourse, suggesting that intercultural communication competence – along with the ability to recognize and resist such othering rhetoric - remains underdeveloped among broader populations. These communication patterns function as barriers to successful intercultural dialogue by normalizing dehumanizing language within the public sphere.

Theoretical Framework

To better understand the role language education could play in building a stronger EU alliance, we must first turn to the theoretical framework found in the study of Intercultural Communication; namely the work of Ron Scollon (Discourse Systems) and Ingrid Piller (Ideologies and Language Hierarchies). Through these frameworks, we can see the connection between language, identity, and power, again proving language to be as what it is, a tool; one that shapes our cultures, public and private discourse and our social organisations. Language is what sets us and our societies apart from those of other animals. Our ability to communicate with one another in an articulate, structured manner, is what makes us human. Most people use some form of language every day, whether that is spoken or signed language, or even fluent or non-fluent speech; language is used by most people as a way of communicating ideas and needs, while also expressing certain elements of their identity. Our social identities start forming at the beginning of our lives through the practise of Socialisation, “human beings must begin at birth what is a life-long process of learning how to be human beings” (Scollon et al, 2012).

This socialisation process is fundamentally tied to language acquisition and cultural learning. Throughout socialization literature, there is a distinction between socialization, enculturation, and acculturation. Socialization refers to the lifelong process of learning to participate in group life, enculturation involves formal teaching and learning within one's own cultural framework (Scollon et al, 2012). Acculturation occurs when one cultural group exerts influence over another, often creating power imbalances that can lead to cultural assimilation or resistance. Ingrid Piller's work reveals how nationalism has constructed our understanding of languages; she argues that named languages like ‘English’ or ‘German’ are "a priori assumptions" (Piller, 2017), originating from nationalism's grip on identity formation since the eighteenth century. Our respective nations, and the passports we have, can lead to very different experiences of the world and "they make national identity a salient aspect of our identity to us" (Piller, 2017). The notion of a 'passport identity' has become even more real and has "become increasingly more powerful due to the ascendancy of security concerns" (Piller, 2017). Historically, European languages formed ‘dialect chains’ where neighbouring communities understood each other despite speech variations (Piller, 2017). The creation of nation-states disrupted these dialect continuums, artificially dividing linguistic communities. ‘Banal nationalism’, first introduced by Michael Billig, describes how national identities are reinforced through everyday practices, particularly education (Piller, 2017). The ‘hidden curriculum’ in schools socialises national identity through teaching national history and literature in the ‘national language’ (Piller, 2017). Yet identities are "always complex, multiple, hybrid" and "cannot simply be reduced to the national” (Piller, 2017).

Language proficiency significantly shapes intercultural interactions, and "who we are in intercultural communication is to a large extent a function of our linguistic proficiency" (Piller, 2017). This becomes evident in healthcare contexts, where limited language proficiency carries higher risks (Piller, 2017). She further highlights this by saying "intercultural communication is mediated by language proficiencies and language ideologies". Pierre Bourdieu’s (1930 -2002) concept of linguistic capital explains how language skills determine access to social institutions and resources (Piller, 2017). Multilingualism, rather than monolingualism, represents the global norm. Early language education helps foster intercultural competence. When children learn additional languages during primary socialization, they develop cognitive flexibility and cultural awareness, becoming what Scollon described as "members of multiple discourse systems" (Scollon, 2012). By implementing robust language education from early childhood, the EU can create citizens equipped with the linguistic and cultural tools necessary for effective intercultural communication, helping Europeans develop nuanced identities that acknowledge both their specific cultural contexts and shared European, and even non-European heritage, while dismantling the ‘us vs them’ mentality often cultivated by nationalist ideologies. We will refer to some of these theoretical ideas throughout the essay, hopefully reiterating the importance and necessity that strong multilingual skills offer both the individual, as well as the community.

Current Language Education Policies in Europe

Unlike 'The Monolingual Mindset' in which only the anglophones themselves must overcome (Piller, 2017), ‘The European Mindset’ is what other European nations must overcome, in that we must not only confine ourselves to learning only European languages. Society needs radical change, change comes from novel ideas, new ideas to better our societies could perhaps be found in the cultures, and therefore, the languages of others. To improve our intercultural communication skills, we must first understand that “intercultural communication is mediated by language proficiencies and language ideologies" (Piller, 2017). The ideas we have of languages drastically shape our approach to them. This section seeks to analyse a few examples of language policies currently in place within the EU, like: Sweden’s education system, of whose language policies are frequently viewed as being a success; and Germany’s language integration models for asylum seekers. Analysing these policies will enable us to understand how some European nations view themselves and others in the world, and the power relationships these views often come with.

Sweden

Sweden has made notable advances in language education by acknowledging what Piller refers to as the "linguistic capital" inherent in mother tongue instruction alongside Swedish (Piller, 2017). Their education system has successfully embedded English language teaching, yielding high competency levels that boost citizens' capacity to operate internationally. The Swedish framework accommodates immigrant languages within educational structures, exemplifying Scollon's notion of "multiple discourse systems". Nevertheless, Sweden's approach still exhibits the global language hierarchies we see elsewhere, with European languages garnering disproportionate institutional backing based on perceived economic worth rather than cultural significance. Moreover, the preparedness of teachers for multilingual classroom settings remains problematic, highlighting the disconnect between Sweden's progressive policy ambitions and the realities of educational practice.

German integration policies

Germany has established a comprehensive integration course system through the Goethe-Institute that merges language acquisition with cultural orientation, demonstrating what Scollon would recognise as the intrinsic link between language learning and cultural discourse systems. Beyond mere linguistic proficiency, these courses incorporate cultural knowledge and socio-political understanding, acknowledging Piller's insight that language abilities alone cannot facilitate meaningful intercultural communication. The system culminates in standardised examinations like the DTZ (Deutsch-Test für Zuwanderer), establishing concrete benchmarks for language acquisition that enable entry into employment and further education. However, the framing of German as ‘the key to integration’ potentially reveals assimilationist undercurrents rather than a pluralistic approach to cultural diversity, suggesting an acculturation model instead of mutual adaptation. Furthermore, there are structural barriers to success, particularly for those with limited formal education or traumatic migration experiences, highlighting the gap between policy ambitions and practical implementation. Critically, these policies represent a decidedly one-way approach to intercultural communication, effectively depriving Germans of opportunities to learn from and engage with immigrant cultures and languages. This unidirectional model contradicts the very essence of intercultural communication, which should be about mutual exchange and learning rather than simply assimilating the 'other' into dominant culture.

Conclusion

Current language education policies across Europe reflect a predominantly one-way system, placing the burden of intercultural adaptation primarily on immigrants and refugees. These approaches fail to capitalize on opportunities for mutual cultural exchange, effectively limiting the intercultural communicative potential of European societies. Language education in a multilingual, multicultural world ought to be reimagined as a vehicle for genuine intercultural dialogue, rather than merely a tool for assimilation. This reimagination would incorporate teaching the history, philosophy, and political contexts of chosen languages, promoting the learning of non-European languages to better understand our increasingly multipolar world. Such an approach creates two-way cultural exchange where citizens and newcomers alike engage in meaningful linguistic and cultural learning. Emerging technologies like AI could revolutionise these initiatives, making diverse language learning more accessible and interactive. Additionally, training migrants and asylum seekers as language teachers for citizens could forge a more equitable integration path, making newcomers feel appreciated and understood rather than merely processed. This reframed approach to language education directly addresses Scollon's concept of discourse systems by acknowledging the multiplicity of valid communicative frameworks. It also challenges the language hierarchies Piller identifies by elevating non-dominant languages to positions of educational value. The potential benefits extend beyond individual linguistic enrichment to broader social cohesion and European unity, providing a concrete counternarrative to the divisive rhetoric of nationalist movements. Ultimately, through reimagined language education policies, Europe could cultivate truly intercultural citizens equipped to navigate and embrace diversity rather than fear it.

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